November 1, 2017
The U.S. Census Bureau defines baby boomers as those born between 1946 and 1964. Goldfield (history, Univ. North Carolina, Charlotte; America Aflame) challenges this by offering a comprehensive account of the "gifted generation," those born from 1940 through 1952. The author presents a compelling case that these early boomers were beneficiaries of an expansive government and an era of optimism, presided over by Presidents Harry Truman, Dwight Eisenhower, and Lyndon B. Johnson. Bipartisan congressional support led to progressive policies that advanced education, housing, medical care, and civil rights. Goldfield is especially adept at describing how Truman and Eisenhower depended on court appointments and executive orders to circumvent racist Southern Democrats, and how all three presidents governed in an era when supporting the public good was deemed more important than catering to special interests. Ultimately, a declining economy and partisan politics ushered in the "great regression," repressing opportunities for the later boomers and following generations. VERDICT Drawing on two excellent accounts of presidential civil rights policies: Michael Gardner's Harry Truman and Civil Rights, and David Nichol's A Matter of Justice, Goldfield acknowledges that this is primarily a history of public policy, which includes exhaustive detail. A valuable resource for historians and informed readers.--Karl Helicher, formerly with Upper Merion Twp. Lib., King of Prussia, PA
Copyright 2017 Library Journal, LLC Used with permission.
September 11, 2017
Goldfield (America Aflame), professor of history at the University of North Carolina in Charlotte, traces the arc of his own baby boomer generation in this solid survey of postwar America. The book’s title is somewhat misleading; Goldfield is referring to the privilege of decent governance into which his cohort was born and in which it was raised. He argues that the “first boomers” (those born in the 1940s and early ’50s) lived for their early years under a government that worked—and did so on everyone’s behalf. This is a traditional history, mostly of public affairs, but it doesn’t avoid major social and cultural developments, and it’s replete with nicely wrought sketches of well- and lesser-known figures. The book’s strengths are its measured tone, lively prose, and comprehensive coverage. Goldfield is not afraid to offer judgments on policies and public figures, writing for example that the Kennedy administration “projected an image based more on appearance than on substance,” and, more controversially, that “liberal attacks on the 1965 Moynihan report were a mistake.” Seeking evenhandedness, Goldfield is too easy on his own generation. He also omits extended discussion of many topics (such as problems faced by inner cities), and there’s no overarching theme. But the book is among the better surveys to emerge of the past six decades.
September 1, 2017
For two decades after World War II, government actually strived to provide basic needs and equal opportunity for all Americans.Goldfield (History/Univ. of North Carolina, Charlotte; Still Fighting the Civil War: The American South and Southern History, 2013, etc.) argues that American children born in the "baby boom" generation were uniquely gifted because of federal policies enacted by Harry Truman, Dwight Eisenhower, and Lyndon Johnson. These presidents, writes the author, saw government as a beneficial force in American life and demonstrated leadership that "played a major role in moving the government to extend the pursuit of happiness to a broader population." They "believed in the commonwealth ideal of mutual responsibility" among citizens and between citizens and government. Each tried to protect and foster access to education, social services, housing, employment, and health care. Goldfield offers a biographical overview of each leader, emphasizing the family poverty that made them especially sympathetic to those in similar straits. Truman unsuccessfully proposed universal health care; Eisenhower quietly pursued civil rights for African-Americans; Johnson declared war on poverty and envisioned a Great Society. Often, their aims were thwarted by recalcitrant legislators and voters, responses that undermine Goldfield's argument about the efficacy of moral leadership and instead point out endemic racism, sexism, and greed. Although the subtitle is "When Government Was Good," a more accurate subtitle would be, "When Idealistic Leaders Advocated for the Common Good." They surely did not always succeed. The author amasses an overwhelming number of statistics, and he calls upon some voices from the gifted generation, particularly men and women he knew growing up in a multiethnic Brooklyn neighborhood and whose success he attributes to government gifts such as GI mortgages and affordable public colleges. Belief that federal government must work for all Americans eroded with Ronald Reagan and has reached a low point in Donald Trump and his supporters. Goldfield laments the cynicism that pervades politics: "We have lost sight of what good government can do." An American history that serves as a heartfelt plea for a revival of socially responsible leadership.
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